I initially wrote this paper for a rhetoric course I took during the George W. Bush administration.
I should have had it ready to post on Presidents Day, but of course I am a day late and a dollar short.
I figure it may make sense to post it now in light of the fact that when 73% of the faculty at Lehigh University recently voted on the question of whether to rescind an honorary degree presented to Donald Trump that 83% voted in favor of withdrawing that honor.
Dr. Michael Raposa, who helped draft the motion, said that it was intended to reflect that faculty members "don't want Lehigh to be identified with the kind of sexist, racist, and islamophobic utterences" he says the President has made. The motion was not meant to serve as a comment on Trump's political views or positions.
Trump has been awarded 5 honorary degrees. He has already been stripped of one of them.
Presidential Timbre?
Todd Stroessner
University of Minnesota Spring 2006
Since George Washington assumed
office as President
of the United States in
1789 countless hours and untold millions of dollars have been expended
by others in pursuit
of the right to succeed him as leader of the executive
branch of our government.
Forty-two men have traveled differing
paths to earn this esteemed
position. Each has left a unique mark in history, on the country and in how we view presidential politics. To be sure, such a wide variety of individuals will bring to the task many differing backgrounds, views on governance, and communication styles. Historians use hindsight to debate the effectiveness of each president's administration and in turn to rate each in comparison to their peers. The initial step of this exploration is to examine some of our
presidents, paying particular attention to their communication styles. An attempt to find out if certain methods
and manners of communication can be shown to yield better results is
the primary goal.
Few jobs are as complex as the presidency of the United States; fewer still are the workplaces that are as scrutinized as the Oval Office.
Even rarer are positions that evoke
definite assessments by nearly every member of the American
populace. While opinions change and perceptions evolve over time one can use certain measures for critical
comparison. Esteemed Harvard historian
Arthur Schlesinger has enlisted the aid of other
scholars to comprise rankings of US Presidents in 1948, 1962 and 1996. This
most recent listing of all presidents
(excluding George W. Bush)
will be one of the yardsticks used for comparison in this study. The
other standard of measurement employed
is the End of Presidency Job Approval Ratings (for Presidents from 1960 through
2001) as comprised by ABC News in conjunction with the Washington
Post. These criteria do have limits; both were comprised
prior to George W. Bush taking office, and approval ratings were not compiled
prior to the Eisenhower Administration. They do however
represent well considered, un-biased gauges of presidential administrations, and I feel the best objective measures
of presidential effectiveness. George Santayana
is attributed with saying, "Those who cannot learn from history are ,doomed
to repeat it". Bearing that in mind this study of a few of our presidents and their communication styles, to determine if there are optimal methods
more common in effective presidencies, could lead to election
of more qualified, competent chief executives to head our ship of state.A lens to be used to compare the presidencies will be the theories of temperament, character and intelligence compiled by David K.iersey. Psychologist Ray Choiniere, PhD, has used Keirsey's temperament models to study the American Presidents. His categorizations will be used for this exploration. Keirsey claims that there are four distinct temperaments, one of which each of us falls into. "...the four types are most likely derived from the interweaving of the two most basic human actions, how we communicate with each other, and how we use tools to accomplish our goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.26) Organizational communication theories concern both how we communicate and how we aim to achieve goals. "Communicators' goals also seem to influence strategy selection, at least among European-American employees." (Conrad & Poole, 2005, p.262) Keirsey's list includes the Artisans, Guardians, Idealists, and the Rationals.
"Artisans...are concrete in communicating messages and utilitarian in implementing goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.35)
Guardians are unique in that "this type is concrete in thought and speech and cooperative in implementing goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.78)
Idealists differ in that they are "abstract in communicating and cooperative in implementing goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.l20) And finally, Rationals are distinguished by their "predominantly abstract manner of communicating.....and predominantly utilitarian manner of implementing their goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.165)
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, THE GREAT EMANCIPATOR
Widely regarded by many to be
the greatest of all American
presidents Abraham Lincoln is listed by the Schlesinger panel as one of three, with George Washington and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in the Great category.
End of Presidency Approval Ratings were not measured in Lincoln's time, but the outpouring of emotion and grief that followed his death by assassination on April15, 1865 can be testament to approval for his
job performance.Undoubtedly the best-known speech of any American president is Lincoln's Gettysburg Address (Appendix III). Following Edward Everett's two-hour speech, which was not uncommon for polished speakers of that time, Lincoln followed with 272 words, uttered in less than three minutes. Using simple words and clear ideas Lincoln managed to illustrate his view of the American Dream. Examination of this speech has led Communications scholar Edwin Black to conclude,".....the Gettysburg Address seems addressed to the ages. Lincoln. does not imply a particular audience. He speaks the voice of omniscience, articulating a historical narrative with incontestable certitude." (Black, 2003, p.22) Black's assessment of the speech falls squarely in line with David Keirseys' appraisal of Lincoln's temperament as being Rational. Keirsey defines this category that comprises roughly 6% of the population, as knowledge seekers who concern themselves with solving timeless problems. They are often described as detached, efficient, skeptical, thoughtful, and even arrogant. They strive to perform competently using ingenuity while maintaining their integrity. Further proof of Lincoln's ingenuity was his willingness to stock his cabinet with the most qualified members regardless of party affiliation.
JOHN F. KENNEDY,
THE FIRST CATHOLIC
PRESIDENT
John Kennedy's short presidency has been rated High Average by the Schlesinger panel, while the End-of-Presidency Job Approval Ratings total 63%. Kennedy ranks second amongst the presidents examined
for this study via the Schlesinger rating, and
third using the Job Approval
Rating (Lincoln excluded).
In my view the speech most commonly
tied to the "Camelot" that was the Kennedy Administration is the Inaugural
Address delivered on January, 20, 1961
(Appendix IV). With this message, authored
by Kennedy, with input from his main speech-writer Theodore Sorenson, and others, this son of privilege used lofty prose and
ambitious goals to strike a chord with people of many backgrounds. According to Thurston Clarke, in his book, Ask Not:
The Inauguration of John F. Kennedy and the
Speech that Changed America, "The
Cardinal who would become Pope Paul VI in 1963 listened (to the inaugural
speech) over the radio in Milan and was so moved by the
'vigorous, classical, and sacred eloquence' of the speech and its 'moral significance' that he reread the text numerous
times over years. His
landmark 1967 encyclical
calling on wealthy nations to alleviate
poverty and promote social justice in the third world echoed
its themes and language."
(Clarke, 2004, p.6) Even political opponents
had praise for Kennedy and this speech, Republican Senator
Barry Goldwater, in reaction to the speech said, "God, I'd like to be able to do what that boy did there." (Clarke, 2004, p.7)
David Keirsey claims that roughly 35% of the population
is comprised of Artisans. This label can be applied to free spirits and sensation
seeking individuals who are practical in that they often bend the rules to get what they want.
Artisans are seen as uninhibited, impulsive
and perceptive. Their ranks are filled with stars from the sports
and performing milieus as well as others that are popular and thrive on being in the public eye. Choiniere has placed Kennedy
solidly in the Artisan category. Kennedy bent the rules by naming his brother Attorney
General, engaging in extra-marital dalliances, and promulgating the image of youthful
vigor despite the fact that his health was largely maintained by narcotics and steroid injections.In addition to being the first presidential candidate to own his own personal plane to campaign in, John Kennedy was the first candidate to use the medium of television to his benefit. "As the story goes, John Kennedy won that (first) debate (with Nixon) because he was tan and relaxed, and Nixon was pale and nervous. Many of those who watched the event on television - and some eighty million Americans did so - believed Kennedy won. Those who listened on radio, who only heard the words and argument, believed Nixon was the winner. And so, style triumphed over substance, and American politics has never been the same." (Dallek, 2006, p.43)
WILLIAM J. CLINTON, THE FIRST BABY BOOMER PRESIDENT
Bill Clinton left office with the highest End-of-Presidency Job Rating of any
President since this measure has been recorded. His 65% favorable rating is somewhat
at odds with the Average label assigned him by the Schlesinger panel. I
feel that can be
explained by the charismatic nature of Clinton's
approach to leadership. He appealed to many of his constituents despite being impeached
by the US House of Representatives.
Perhaps Clinton did not perform the duties of the office as effectively as his peers to
impress historians and critics.
Much like Kennedy, Bill Clinton's
charismatic personality places him squarely
in the Artisan category. For Clinton the rules bending behaviors
include his publicized actions with Monica Lewinsky,
attempts to deny those actions, and other extra-marital
affairs both alleged and confirmed. Saddled with these indiscretions would harm many Presidents, however,
Clinton's charisma, and communication style allowed him to
salvage his presidency and earn very high approval ratings. On his blog Associate Professor from Kansai Qaidai University, Garr Reynolds explains,
"There are many reasons why Mr. Clinton is so effective at the podium. Some of the aptitudes
that make him so effective are his engaging,
"naked" human style, his verbal presentation of clear
logic and evidence, as well as his solid storytelling skills such as providing clear examples and painting pictures
with his words. Whether it is a speech or an interview,
he comes across as articulate and extremely intelligent but without being aloof or pedantic."
(Reynolds, 2006, http://www.presentationzen.com/presentationzen/2006/10/bill_clinton
an.html)Obviously Bill Clinton had a strong grasp of the issues and actions of great concern to the nation. A graduate of Georgetown, Yale Law, and a Rhodes Scholar, Clinton's formal credentials are impressive. However, one should also be impressed by the fact that he was seamlessly able to recite a healthcare reform address to Congress where the teleprompter failed, and Clinton ad-libbed for 10 minutes without missing a beat, until the text was found and then fed into the teleprompter. Impressive also was his ability to deliver an impromptu speech to black church leaders in Memphis that those who heard it say rivaled Martin Luther King for eloquence. His ability to connect with his audience, to put voice to what many are thinking, to move them to action are the strengths I witnessed firsthand last year as he addressed the Princeton class of 2006 as part of their graduation festivities. (Appendix V)
RONALD REAGAN, THE GREAT COMMUNICATOR
Ronald Reagan left office with a
64% End-of-Presidency approval
rating; one percentage point below Clinton, and like Clinton, his presidency is seen as Average by the Schlesinger panel.
One advantage President
Reagan had, that no other Chief Executive
can boast, was his background with the electronic
media. Having carved out a good living in radio,
television and movies helped Reagan become adept at the skills needed to communicate to large audiences. "...there is little doubt that Mr. Reagan's easygoing style was mixed to perfection in the crucible
of lifelong interactions with all of the mass media."
(Hart, 1987, p.141) This heightened comfort level with the media earned him the moniker, The Great
Communicator.
A distinguishing trait of Reagan's was his unique style of communicating. Speech can be used for many purposes; to inform, to question, to convince, etc. Candidate Reagan saw a new reason to communicate. "...he used communication to flatter rather than to challenge, to placate rather than to activate.
When the American people chose Ronald Reagan over Walter Mondale they embraced
a certain style of
presidential communication as well as a certain brand of politics.
The communication they choose soothed them by trotting
out old answers to new questions." (Hart, 1987,
p.207)
In
addition to his uplifting messages
and easy-going methods,
Reagan knew the importance of communication as a sign of
leadership. On March 30, 1981, when asked about the assassination attempt on him by gunfire, Reagan joked to his surgeons, "I forgot to duck." The next day a pre-taped
message appeared on the Academy
Awards Ceremony, and later that month Reagan appeared at the White House Correspondents
dinner via a telephone call from his sick bed. That conversation ended with the affable
President offering these words of advice, "...when somebody tells you to get in a car quick, do it." (Hart, 1987, p.49) Managing to keep his wits about him
and maintaining his easy-going nature in the face of this crisis
communicated a sense of calm to the nation. In like manner, Reagan was able to placate and console the nation on January
28th, 1986 when he addressed the nation, not to deliver
a State of the Union Address, as planned, but to comment
on the Challenger shuttle
disaster. (Appendix VI)
President Reagan had an Artisan temperament. Keirsey comments on Artisans that they can be renowned communicators, "because of their sensitivity to harmonic coherence, or what sounds good." (Keirsey, 1998, p.36) To be sure, the clear, reassuring messages delivered smoothly by Ronald Reagan are in accord with this assessment.
RICHARD M. NIXON,
TRICKY DICK
Richard Nixon received the lowest End-of-Presidency approval rating of any
president since this statistic has been tracked
(begun with the Eisenhower presidency
1953 to 1961). Nixon's 24% rating dovetails
with the Schlesinger panels assessment
that his administration was a Failure.
Inconsistency may well be the hallmark of the communications during the Nixon
administration. Nixon was able to accomplish
many global victories
like ending our involvement in Vietnam and opening diplomatic relations
with the People's Republic of China. Surely. these feats required
effective communications.
However, these far reaching accomplishments
were offset by the secrecy, obfuscation, and last ditch legal
maneuvering that began with Watergate. The Nixon White House changed dramatically in its second term. "Of all the Cold War Presidents, none was more secretive than Nixon,
who admitted, after leaving office, that as his presidency
progressed, he became 'paranoiac or almost a basket case with regard to secrecy." (Dean, 2004, p. l4)
Many Americans still feel shortchanged by the Nixon administration due to the fact that a direct apology
for the president's actions has never been offered.
Nixon was perplexed by this.
"He argues, quite rightly, that his voluntary
resignation from the highest office in the land was surely the most dramatic,
albeit implicit, apology an
individual could offer. It is
the 'albeit implicit'
that sticks in the craws of many Americans. They still feel that their president
took advantage of their trust and that a
tight-lipped resignation (Appendix
VII) is not the speech act designated
to deal with ruptured social bonds. In
so reasoning, the American people show how much stock they
put into their relationships with presidents and how central rhetoric is to those relationships." (Hart, 1987, p.68) Ultimately, Nixon's secrecy and lies left the
administration in a shambles and the American
public wary.
Nixon's Guardian temperament is quite fitting with the early years of his administration when he positioned
himself as a law and order politician. "Guardians work hard to make and enforce the laws that govern action, insisting
that only by establishing and obeying rules and regulations can we hope to maintain
civil order, and thus safeguard our homes, communities, and businesses." (Keirsey,
1998, p.80) It is
pure irony that a Guardian such as Nixon was forced to. resign the presidency
and relinquish his law licenses, both outward signs of the authority and command that the 45% of the population who are Guardians
strive for.
GEORGE W. BUSH, COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATIVE
The current occupant
of the White House presently
carries a job approval rating,
reported as a result of an April 20-23, 2007 Harris interactive poll, of 28%. The
obvious caveat is that 20 months remain until his End-of-Presidency rating will be
tabulated and poll numbers will fluctuate. However, the impending due date of this
project dictates that to include President Bush, our leader for the last six years, that
l use the most current figure.
Additionally, an assessment
by the Schlesinger panel is
not available. But an article by a member of the panel, and a lecture I witnessed
by its
author, Sean Wilentz, the Dayton-Stockton Professor of History at Princeton
University, will be used as a substitute.
The experience of Watergate has left Americans
with ·a desire for candor and
honesty from their elected officials. The world has changed dramatically since the
1970's when Nixon resigned, but America still places a lot of faith in their president
and desire open communication to the extent that security
issues dictated by the September 11th, 2001 attacks will allow.
Unfortunately it appears presidential communication in the Bush II era is returning to Nixonion style and methods. "'This administration is the most
close-mouthed, more closed-door than any in memory,' Michael
Duffy, a seasoned . Washington bureau chief for Time magazine, told his former colleague John Stacks when Stacks was examining Bush's relationship with the news media.
Stacks found such control of the news media disturbing: there is a 'pernicious and damaging kind of secrecy being practiced by the administration of George W. Bush.
Officials in Washington have largely stopped
talking to the press except in set-piece
briefings. Interviews are refused. Phone inquiries are left unanswered.
The public is thus being denied access to the workings of the government it elected."' (Dean, 2004, p.69)
Lest these reports of ineffective executive communication by George W. Bush be deemed
partisan bickering, those with conservative leanings also are worried by this
development. "The voters aren't going to buy the sanctimonious argument
that the Bush Administration has some sort of duty to protect the power of the presidency...The
American people do not and should not tolerate government by secrecy." (Dean, 2004,
p.93) Evidently Americans are not willing to repeat the abuses of the Nixon era as
reflected by the similarity of their poll numbers.
Historians also are weighing
in. In an article published
in Rolling Stone magazine, "George W. Bush's
presidency appears headed for colossal
historical disgrace. Barring a cataclysmic event on the order of the terrorist
attacks of September
11th, after which the public might rally around the White House once again, there seems to be little
the administration can do to avoid
being ranked on the lowest
tier of U.S. presidents.
And
that may be the best-case
scenario. Many historians are now wondering whether Bush, in fact, will be remembered as the very worst president
in all of American
History." (Willentz, 2006, http://www.rollingstone.com/news/profile /story/996I300
/the_worst_president_in_history)
Two characteristic of the Artisan
temperament fit George W. Bush very well.
First, they are· known to simplify
their sentences and pick up slang terms or catch phrases.
This trait can partially explain Bush's over-reliance on sound-bites and talking points
such as, "Stay the course," "When they stand up, we'll stand down," and "We're making
progress." (Appendix VIII) Additionally, Artisans
are not prone to high- flown speculation, deep meaning, or introspection. Perhaps
the United States.,
and the world as a
whole, would be better served
by a chief executive who not only considered what action
to take, but also gave more than cursory thought
to the outcomes and global effects of those
actions.
ANALYSIS
Using Kiersey's models of temperament, as assigned by Choiniere can provide
some insight regarding presidential communications. In
the broad view, of the 43 men to
have held office 20 have been Guardians,
14 Artisans, and 8 Rational. There have been no Idealist presidents. If we are to believe the words of his brother,
Ted Kennedy, while delivering his eulogy on June 8th, 1968, "Some
men see things as they are and say why. I
dream things that never were and say why not." (Dallek,
2006, p.253) then Bobby
Kennedy, had he lived, may have been our first Idealist president. Senator Kennedy's tribute to RFK so closely resembles Kiersey's
words. "The Idealist is future-oriented and focused on what might be, rather than what is." (Kiersey,
1998, p.135) In the final analysis though, I think Choiniere might be inclined
to categorize Robert Kennedy as an
Artisan due to his tactical
work on his brother Jack's campaigns and while holding office
as United States Attorney General. A search of the literature, the web-site and the video by
Kiersey and Choiniere
revealed no listing for Bobby Kennedy so, in my sentimental
view he will remain an Idealist until proven otherwise.
Is their dominant
showing (20 presidents) to say that Guardians make the best presidents? Of the three rated as Great by the Schlesinger poll only one, George
Washington, was a Guardian (33%). Conversely, of the seven rated as Failures three of
them, Richard Nixon, Andrew Johnson,
and James Buchanan
are Guardians (43%). Do Artisans fare any better? Fourteen of them have been elected to office. In
the Great category again only one representative, Franklin
Delano Roosevelt appears
among the
three (33%). Artisans fare better in the Failure grouping with only two, Franklin Pierce and Warren Harding appearing
(29%) although the anticipated arrival
of George W. Bush
in this category would raise the Artisan's percentage to 38%. Likewise, of the eight Rationals who have been elected only one representative appears in the Great group, Abraham Lincoln (33%) and two under the Failure heading, Ulysses
Grant and Herbert Hoover (29%). However, the percentage
of Rational Failures
should stay static for at
least the next six years until George Bush's successor, if they are a single term president, finishes their term.
Perhaps it is safe to say that due to their sheer numbers,
Guardians make the best
presidential material, but the variables
of the times, political climate,
and the individual personalities of the president determine
success or failure. We can further extrapolate that Artisans and Rationals
stand similar likelihoods of each other of achieving presidential success.
It appears that the voting populace would be well served to use a different criteria.
when deciding how to cast their vote on the first Tuesday in November
every fourth year. Of
the Presidents highlighted in this study those noted for effective,
remarkable communication, all left office with high Job Approval Ratings. The results are empirical for Clinton, Reagan and Kennedy (Appendix
II) with an assumption, as noted, made in
Lincoln's case. History and the respected historians of the Schlesinger panel have rewarded these men for their communication skills by rating Lincoln as great, Kennedy as
High Average, and both Clinton
and Reagan as Average.
A prudent electorate may want
to more closely examine the candidate rhetoric
and style while determining with whom
they will cast their lot. Perhaps had this rubric been employed
we may have been able to avoid the Failures that occurred in the name of the Nixon and Bush II administrations caused by the secrecy, half-truths and paranoia of these leaders.
SUMMATION
"All speech is not created equal.
The speech of presidents is more powerful
than most. This power derives in part from the office of the Presidency, but it also derives
from the attitudes presidents have toward the speech act itself...Modern presidents
play politics, a game about the distribution of power.
Speech is how they play." (Hart, 1987, p. 11 0) Truly
speech, communication, and organizational communication are important concerns for presidents and leaders of all varieties. The sheer scope and size of the
United States federal government makes it, arguably
the toughest organization in the world to lead.
Such a Herculean task requires
organizational and communication skills not commonly found in the general populace. "Eloquence - not glibness or deftness or
even greater clarity - is needed from our presidents. Eloquence is more than communication. It
is communication that reaches deep into the emotional sinews of
voters and motivates them to be grander than they are by nature.
Eloquence is the blending of the practical with the imaginative so that old thoughts are given fresh life and so that new truths can be passionately embraced." (Hart, 1987, p.210) The art of speech,
mastery of it, or failure at it, is a determining factor of success or failure
of presidential administrations and many other endeavors.
APPENDIX I
Schlesinger 1996 Poll
GREAT
Lincoln Rational
Washington Guardian Roosevelt, F. Artisan
NEAR GREAT
Jefferson Rational
Jackson Artisan
Roosevelt, T. Artisan
Wilson Guardian
Truman Guardian
Polk Guardian
HIGH AVERAGE Eisenhower Rational
Adams, J. Rational
Kennedy Artisan
Cleveland Guardian
Johnson, L. Artisan
Monroe Guardian
McKinley Guardian
AVERAGE
Madison Rational
Adams, J.Q. Rational
Harrison Guardian
Clinton Artisan
Van Buren Artisan
Taft Guardian
Hayes Guardian
Bush, H.W. Guardian
Reagan Artisan
Arthur Artisan
Carter Guardian
Ford Guardian
BELOW AVERAGE
Taylor Artisan
Coolidge Guardian
Fillmore Guardian
Tyler Guardian
FAILURE
Pierce Artisan
Grant Rational
Hoover Rational
Nixon Guardian
Johnson, A. Guardian
Buchanan Guardian
Harding Artisan
Participants in 1996 Poll
Samuel H. Beer, Harvard University John Morton Blum, Yale University
Alan Brinkley, Columbia
University
Douglas Brinkley, University ofNew Orleans
Walter Dean Burnham, University of Texas
James Macgregor Burns, Williams College
Mario Cuomo
Robert Dallek, Boston University
Robert H. Ferrell, Indiana
University
Louis Fisher, Library of Congress
Eric Foner, Columbia University
George Frederickson, Stanford University
Doris Keams Goodwin
Norman Graebner, University of Virginia
Henry Graff, Columbia University
Stephen Hess, Brookings Institution
Morton Keller, Brandeis University
Louis Koenig, New York University
William Leuchtenburg, University of North Carolina
David Levering Lewis, Rutgers
University
Arthur Link, Princeton University
Forrest McDonald, University of Alabama
Merrill Peterson, University of Virginia
Richard M. Pious, Barnard College
Robert V. Remini,
University of Illinois
at Chicago
Donald A. Ritchie, Senate Historical Office
Robert Rutland, University of Virginia
Joel Silbey, Cornell University
Paul Simon, U.S. Senate
Stephen Skowronek, Yale University
Hans Trefousse, City University of New York
Sean Wilentz, Princeton University
APPENDIX II
End of Presidency Job Approval
Ratings
|
President
Bill Clinton
Ronald Reagan
John Kennedy
Dwight Eisenhower
George H.W. Bush
Gerald Ford
Lyndon Johnson
Jimmy Carter
Richard Nixon
|
Rating(%)
65
|
|
|
64
|
|
63
|
|
59
|
|
56
|
|
53
|
|
49
|
|
34
|
|
24
|
APPENDIX III
Lincoln's Gettysburg Address,
given November 19, 1863 on the battlefield
near
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, USA
Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation: conceived
in liberty and dedicated
to the proposition that all men are created
equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether
that nation, or any nation so
conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war.
We
have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting
place for those who
here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting
and proper that we
should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate,
we cannot consecrate,
we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled
here have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
The world will little note, nor long remember,
what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us the living, rather,
to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who
fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It
is
rather for us to be here dedicated
to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased
devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, under
God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government
of the people, by the people,
for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
APPENDIX IV
John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address
Friday, January 20, 1961
Vice President
Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice,
President Eisenhower, Vice
President Nixon, President Truman,
Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom-- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning-- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty
God the same solemn oath our forebears
prescribed nearly a century
and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish
all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe
--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity
of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go
forth from this time and place,
to friend and foe alike, that the torch
has been passed to a new generation of Americans-- born in this century, tempered
by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit
the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed
today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill,
that we shall pay any price, bear any
burden, meet any hardship, support
any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of
faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do - for we dare not meet a powerful challenge
at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control
shall not have passed away merely to be replaced
by a far more iron tyranny.
We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we
shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended
up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever
period is required -- not because the Communists
may be doing it, not because we seek
their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot
save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics
south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words
into good deeds, in a new alliance
for progress, to assist free men and free
governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful
revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or
subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere
intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly
of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an
age where the instruments of war have far outpaced
the instruments of peace, we renew
our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective,
to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ
may run.
Finally, to those nations
who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a
pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark
powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity
in planned or accidental
self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient
beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present
course - both sides overburdened by the cost of modem weapons, both rightly alarmed by
the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of
terror that stays the hand of mankind's
final war.
So let us begin anew - remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us
never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems
unite us instead of belaboring
those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate
serious and precise proposals for the
inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute
power to destroy other nations under the absolute control
of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us
explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate
disease, tap the ocean depths, and
encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed; in all comers of the earth, the command of Isaiah - to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed
go free."
And, if a beachhead
of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,
let both sides join in creating
a new endeavor- not a new balance of power, but a new world of
law - where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished
in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be
finished in the first one thousand
days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps
in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens,
more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded,
each generation of Americans has been
summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans
who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need- not
as a call to battle, though embattled
we are - but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a
struggle against the common enemies
of man: tyranny, poverty, disease,
and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful
life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of
defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this
responsibility- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with
any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor
will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that
fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country
can do for you; ask what you
can do for your country.
My fellow citizens
of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together
we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the
same high standards of strength
and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good
conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing
and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
APPENDIXV
Clinton urges seniors to use 'personal
power' for global good
by Eric Quinones· Posted June 5, 2006; 03:15p.m.
Former President Bill Clinton, addressing Princeton's graduating seniors
at Class Day on Monday, June 5, challenged
them to apply the "unprecedented personal power" they have
gained through education to serve an increasingly interdependent world.
Clinton described global opportunities and vulnerabilities in the 21st century -- from
economic, technological and cultural advances
to the dangers of terrorism, poverty, disease and climate change-- in urging members of the class of2006 to make a positive difference.
"You have an education that has given you unprecedented personal power, and you live
in a time which has given you unprecedented personal
power," Clinton said. "That means you've got a lot of responsibility. It also means if you do it right you'll live in the most
exciting, interesting time in all of human history. It's yours to make, and I hope you will."
Class Day is held on Cannon Green the day before Commencement as a celebration of Princeton seniors' achievements. In addition to Clinton's address,
the event included student speeches and the presentation of awards for leadership, athletics
and community service.
"Class
Day is a time for you to recall your four years together, the friendships you have
formed and the impressive things you have accomplished," Princeton
President Shirley M. Tilghman
said. " . .. You have become a class forever branded with the new last name: '06."
Leaders of the senior class selected Clinton
to deliver the keynote address
from among numerous nominees
suggested by classmates. "Since being out of office, President
Clinton continues to change the world through the Clinton Global Initiative
and the Clinton Foundation, which seek solutions
to some of the world's most pressing
issues," said senior Lauren Bush, a Class Day co-chair. "Because of President Clinton's charismatic personality, political legacy and humanitarian spirit,
we are so honored to
have him here today."
Clinton recalled delivering Princeton's Commencement address
in 1996, when the University celebrated its 250th anniversary and expanded its informal motto, "Princeton in the nation's
service," to include "and in the service of all nations."
That change was "made in recognition of the interdependent world in which all future graduates would live," Clinton said. "Today I want you think about that all over again."
Clinton told the seniors that three trends over the past decade -- the expansion of democracies around the world, the development of the Internet as a communication tool and
the increase in nongovernmental organizations -- "have conspired to give you and
your classmates and your contemporaries more power as private citizens
to do public good than any group of people in all of history."
While laying out his own vision for the future, Clinton encouraged the students to think
about the nature of the world in the 21st century, how it could be improved and the role they
could play in "making a world with more partners and fewer adversaries."
"I can't tell you what you should do," he said. "I can only tell you that if you have power
you have a responsibility to use it, and you cannot walk away from it. And since you live
in an
interdependent world, you cannot get away from its adverse consequences -- you can only try to minimize them, ultimately erase them and maximize the potential before you.
"I don't want to see the future of your children and grandchildren compromised because we failed to have the right security
systems; because we failed to do something
about climate change and the drying up of energy supplies; because we failed to reach across the
religious and cultural
divides of this world; because we failed to do something about the
fact that half the world's people are living on less than $2 a day when most of the rest of us
can make money beyond our wildest dreams," he said.
"The governments of the world will have to do some of this," Clinton
said, "but people can do a lot of it - private citizens,
not only of the United States but of any country in the
world, doing public good."
As the world grows more economically and technologically interconnected but
disparities in health and wealth are widening,
Clinton said, "I would like us to move from unstable, unequal interdependence to more integrated
communities- locally, nationally and globally."
"Every
person deserves a chance. Every person has a responsible role to play. Competition is good, but cooperation often works better. Our differences are important - they make life more interesting, they aid the search for truth - but our common humanity matters more."
Clinton cited his work with the first President Bush in raising relief aid after the Indian
Ocean tsunami and Hurricanes Katrina
and Rita as an example of how the need to work for improved living conditions among all global citizens should supercede political, religious or other barriers.
"We still have the differences we had before we started,
but we also know where the common ground is," Clinton said of his partnership with Bush. "And
as you build bonds of personal
affection and mutual respect across lines that divide you, then it becomes
harder for people to become so estranged
that they can't even hear each other anymore."
Following Clinton's speech,
students offered remarks
about their Princeton
experiences. Senior Ben Fast delivered
a comic address, musing on the similarities between Batman and the former president
("One lives in a bat cave, the other used to have a cavelike structure he could hide in, in case of nuclear annihilation"). Fast remarked that Commencement will mark the culmination of his own lifelong dream to become a
superhero: Revealing a large "P" on his T-shirt under his class jacket, he declared himself "Princeton Man."
"Why do you think you wear the gown?" Fast asked his classmates. "It's the closest thing we have in the real world to a cape."
In addition to delivering the keynote address,
Clinton was named an honorary
member of the class of 2006, along with humorist David Sedaris, who spoke at Baccalaureate.
APPENDIX VI
President Reagan’s address
to the nation on the Challenger disaster
Oval Office
January 28,1986
A few hours after the disaster, this speech was delivered to the American
people via nationwide radio and television.
“Ladies and gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the
union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day
for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.
Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts
in a terrible accident on the ground.
:But we've never lost an astronaut
in flight; we've never had a tragedy
like this. And perhaps we've forgotten
the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle; but they,
the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory
Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.
For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we're thinking
about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special
grace, that special spirit that says, "Give
me a challenge and I'll meet it with joy." They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.
We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for 25 years the United
States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space,
and perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They, the
members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.
And I want to say something
to the school children of America who were watching the
live coverage of the shuttle's
takeoff. I know it is hard to understand, but sometimes
painful things like this happen. It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery.
It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger
crew was pulling us into the
future, and we'll continue to follow them.
I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program, and what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program.
We don't keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is, and
we wouldn't change it for a minute. We'll continue
our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers
in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.
I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA or
who worked on this mission and tell them: "Your
dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed
us for decades. And we know of your anguish.
We share it."
There's a coincidence today. On this day 390 years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis
Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers
were the oceans, and a historian
later said, "He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in
it." Well, today we can say of the Challenger
crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.
The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored
us by the manner in which they lived
their lives. We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them,
this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved good-bye and "slipped the surly bonds of
earth" to "touch the face of God."
APPENDIX VII
PRESIDENT NIXON'S RESIGNATION SPEECH
August 8, 1974.......
Good evening.
This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office,
where so many decisions have been
made that shaped
the history of this Nation.
Each time I have done so to discuss
with you some matter that I believe
affected the national
interest.
In all the decisions
I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best
for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete
the term of office to which
you elected me.
In the past few days, however, it has become
evident to me that I no longer have a strong
enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there
was such a base, I felt strongly
that it was necessary to see the constitutional
process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.
But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served,
and there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.
I would have preferred to carry through
to the finish what ver the personal
agony it would have involved,
and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interest of the Nation must always come before any personal considerations.
From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders,
I have concluded that because of the Watergate
matter I might not have the support
of the Congress that I would
consider necessary to back the very difficult
decisions and cariy out the duties of this
office in the way the interests of the Nation would require.
I
have never been a quitter.
To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I-
must put the interest
of America first. America needs a full-time
President and a full-time Congress,
particularly at this time
with problems we face at home and abroad.
To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal
vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention
of both the President and the Congress in a period
when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.
Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency
effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will
be sworn in as President
at that hour in this office.
As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a .
great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behalf to achieve those
hopes in the next 21/2 years; But in turning over direction
of the Government to Vice President Ford, I know, as I told the Nation when I nominated
him for that office 10 months
ago, that the leadership of America will be in good hands.
In passing this office to the Vice President,
I also do so with the profound sense of the weight
of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow
and, therefore, of the
understanding, the patience,
the cooperation he will need from all Americans.
As he assumes that responsibility, he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this Nation, to
put the bitterness and divisions
of the recent past behind us, and to rediscover
those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.
By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America.
·
I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to
this decision. I would say only that if some of my Judgments
were wrong, and some were wrong, they were made in what I believed
at the time to be the best interest of the Nation.
To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, to many others who joined in supporting
my cause because they believed
it was right, I will be eternally
grateful for your support.
And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us, in the final analysis,
have been concerned with the good of the country,
however our judgments
might differ.
So, let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our
new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans.
I shall leave this office with regret at not completing
my term, but with gratitude
for the privilege of serving as your President
for the past 51/2 years. These years have been a
momentous time in the history of our Nation and the world. They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the Administration, the Congress, and the people.
But the challenges ahead are equally great, and they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress
and the people working in cooperation with the new Administration.
We have ended America's
longest war, but in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world,
the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult.
We must complete
a structure
of peace so that it will be said of this generation, our generation of Americans,
by the peop\e of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented
future wars.
We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United
States and the People's
Republic of China.
We must now ensure that the one quarter of the world's people who live in the People's
Republic of China will be and remain not our enemies but our friends.
In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have
considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends.
We must continue to build on that friendship
so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and
so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave.
Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the
process of limiting
nuclear arms. But we must set as our goal not just limiting but reducing and finally destroying these terrible.weapons
so that they cannot destroy civilization and so that the threat. of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world .and
the people.
We have opened the new relation
with the Soviet Union. We must continue
to develop and expand that new relationship so that the two strongest
nations ofthe world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation.
Around the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East, there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty,
even starvation. We must keep as our goal
turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward in their children's
time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life.
Here in America, we are fortunate that most of our people
have not only the blessings
of liberty but also the means to live full and good and, by the world's standards, even abundant lives. We must press on, however,
toward a goal of not only more· and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American
and of what we are striving so hard right now
to achieve, prosperity without inflation.
For more than a quarter
of a century in public life I have shared in the turbulent history of
this era. I have fought for what I believed
in. I have tried to the best of my ability to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted
to me.
Sometimes I have succeeded
and sometimes I have failed,
but always I have taken heart
from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, "whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high
achievements and who at the worst, ifhe fails, at least fails while daring greatly."
I
pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue
in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated
throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, a Vice President, and President, the cause of peace not just for America but among all nations, prosperity, justice, and
opportunity for all of our people.
There is one cause above all to which I have
been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.
When I first took the oath of office as President 5112 years ago, I made this sacred
commitment, to "consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon
to the cause of peace among nations."
I
have done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As
a
result of these efforts,
I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people
of America but for the people of all nations,
and that all of our children have a better chance than before ofliving
in peace rather than dying in war.
This, more than anything,
is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the
Presidency.
To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal
sense of kinship with each and
every American. In leaving it, I do so with this prayer:
May God's grace be with you in all the days ahead.
APPENDIX.VIII
GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States:
Here's
why the bill Congress passed is
unacceptable.
"First, a bill - the bill would mandate a rigid and artificial deadline
for American troops to
begin withdrawing from Iraq. That withdrawal could start as early as July 1st, and it would
have to start no later than October
1st, regardless of the situation on the ground.
It makes no sense to tell the enemy when you plan to start withdrawing. All the terrorists would have to do is mark their calendars, and gather their strength, and begin plotting how to overthrow the government, and take control
of the country of Iraq.
I
believe setting a deadline for a withdrawal will demoralize the Iraqi people.
It would encourage killers
across the broader
Middle East and send a signal that America will not
keep its commitments. Setting a deadline for withdrawal is setting a date for failure, and that
would be irresponsible.
Second, the bill would impose
impossible conditions on our commanders in combat. After forcing most of our troops to withdraw, the bill would dictate
the terms in which
the remaining commanders and troops
could engage the enemy.
That means Americans' commanders in the middle of a combat zone would have to take fighting directions from politicians 6,000 miles away in Washington, D.C. This is a prescription for chaos and confusion, and we must not impose it on our troops.
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