Presidential Timbre?

I initially wrote this paper for a rhetoric course I took during the George W. Bush administration.

I should have had it ready to post on Presidents Day, but of course I am a day late and a dollar short.

I figure it may make sense to post it now in light of the fact that when 73% of the faculty at Lehigh University recently voted on the question of whether to rescind an honorary degree presented to Donald Trump that 83% voted in favor of withdrawing that honor.

Dr. Michael Raposa, who helped draft the motion, said that it was intended to reflect that faculty members "don't want Lehigh to be identified with the kind of sexist, racist, and islamophobic utterences" he says the President has made. The motion was not meant to serve as a comment on Trump's political views or positions.

Trump has been awarded 5 honorary degrees. He has already been stripped of one of them.

Presidential Timbre?

Todd Stroessner

University of Minnesota         Spring 2006 

     

Since George Washington assumed office as President of the United States in

1789 countless hours and untold millions of dollars have been expended by others in pursuit of the right to succeed him as leader of the executive branch of our government. Forty-two men have traveled differing paths to earn this esteemed position. Each has left a unique mark in history, on the country and in how we view presidential politics. To be sure, such a wide variety of individuals will bring to the task many differing backgrounds, views on governance, and communication styles. Historians use hindsight to debate the effectiveness of each president's administration and in turn to rate each in comparison to their peers. The initial step of this exploration is to examine some of our presidents, paying particular attention to their communication styles. An attempt to find out if certain methods and manners of communication can be shown to yield better results is the primary goal.

Few jobs are as complex as the presidency of the United States; fewer still are the workplaces that are as scrutinized as the Oval Office. Even rarer are positions that evoke definite assessments by nearly every member of the American populace. While opinions change and perceptions evolve over time one can use certain measures for critical comparison. Esteemed Harvard historian Arthur Schlesinger has enlisted the aid of other scholars to comprise rankings of US Presidents in 1948, 1962 and 1996. This most recent listing of all presidents (excluding George W. Bush) will be one of the yardsticks used for comparison in this study. The other standard of measurement employed is the End of Presidency Job Approval Ratings (for Presidents from 1960 through 2001) as comprised by ABC News in conjunction with the Washington Post. These criteria do have limits; both were comprised prior to George W. Bush taking office, and approval ratings were not compiled prior to the Eisenhower Administration. They do however represent well considered, un-biased gauges of presidential administrations, and I feel the best objective measures of presidential effectiveness. George Santayana is attributed with saying, "Those who cannot learn from history are ,doomed to repeat it". Bearing that in mind this study of a few of our presidents and their communication styles, to determine if there are optimal methods more common in effective presidencies, could lead to election of more qualified, competent chief executives to head our ship of state.A lens to be used to compare the presidencies will be the theories of temperament, character and intelligence compiled by David K.iersey. Psychologist Ray Choiniere, PhD, has used Keirsey's temperament models to study the American Presidents. His categorizations will be used for this exploration. Keirsey claims that there are four distinct temperaments, one of which each of us falls into. "...the four types are most likely derived from the interweaving of the two most basic human actions, how we communicate with each other, and how we use tools to accomplish our goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.26) Organizational communication theories concern both how we communicate and how we aim to achieve goals. "Communicators' goals also seem to influence strategy selection, at least among European-American employees." (Conrad & Poole, 2005, p.262) Keirsey's list includes the Artisans, Guardians, Idealists, and the Rationals.
"Artisans...are concrete in communicating messages and utilitarian in implementing goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.35)
Guardians are unique in that "this type is concrete in thought and speech and cooperative in implementing goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.78)
Idealists differ in that they are "abstract in communicating and cooperative in implementing goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.l20) And finally, Rationals are distinguished by their "predominantly abstract manner of communicating.....and predominantly utilitarian manner of implementing their goals." (Keirsey, 1998, p.165)

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, THE GREAT EMANCIPATOR

     Widely regarded by many to be the greatest of all American presidents Abraham Lincoln is listed by the Schlesinger panel as one of three, with George Washington and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in the Great category. End of Presidency Approval Ratings were not measured in Lincoln's time, but the outpouring of emotion and grief that followed his death by assassination on April15, 1865 can be testament to approval for his job performance.Undoubtedly the best-known speech of any American president is Lincoln's Gettysburg Address (Appendix III). Following Edward Everett's two-hour speech, which was not uncommon for polished speakers of that time, Lincoln followed with 272 words, uttered in less than three minutes. Using simple words and clear ideas Lincoln managed to illustrate his view of the American Dream. Examination of this speech has led Communications scholar Edwin Black to conclude,".....the Gettysburg Address seems addressed to the ages. Lincoln. does not imply a particular audience. He speaks the voice of omniscience, articulating a historical narrative with incontestable certitude." (Black, 2003, p.22) Black's assessment of the speech falls squarely in line with David Keirseys' appraisal of Lincoln's temperament as being Rational. Keirsey defines this category that comprises roughly 6% of the population, as knowledge seekers who concern themselves with solving timeless problems.  They are often described as  detached, efficient, skeptical, thoughtful, and even arrogant. They strive to perform competently using ingenuity while maintaining their integrity. Further proof of Lincoln's ingenuity was his willingness to stock his cabinet with the most qualified members regardless of party affiliation.

JOHN F. KENNEDY, THE FIRST CATHOLIC PRESIDENT

       John Kennedy's short presidency has been rated High Average by the Schlesinger panel, while the End-of-Presidency Job Approval Ratings total 63%. Kennedy ranks second amongst the presidents examined for this study via the Schlesinger rating, and third using the Job Approval Rating (Lincoln excluded).

In my view the speech most commonly tied to the "Camelot" that was the Kennedy Administration is the Inaugural Address delivered on January, 20, 1961 (Appendix IV). With this message, authored by Kennedy, with input from his main speech-writer Theodore Sorenson, and others, this son of privilege used lofty prose and ambitious goals to strike a chord with people of many backgrounds. According to Thurston Clarke, in his book, Ask Not: The Inauguration of John F. Kennedy and the Speech that Changed America, "The Cardinal who would become Pope Paul VI in 1963 listened (to the inaugural speech) over the radio in Milan and was so moved by the 'vigorous, classical, and sacred eloquence' of the speech and its 'moral significance' that he reread the text numerous times over years. His landmark 1967 encyclical calling on wealthy nations to alleviate poverty and promote social justice in the third world echoed its themes and language." (Clarke, 2004, p.6) Even political opponents had praise for Kennedy and this speech, Republican Senator Barry Goldwater, in reaction to the speech said, "God, I'd like to be able to do what that boy did there." (Clarke, 2004, p.7)

David Keirsey claims that roughly 35% of the population is comprised of Artisans. This label can be applied to free spirits and sensation seeking individuals who are practical in that they often bend the rules to get what they want. Artisans are seen as uninhibited, impulsive and perceptive. Their ranks are filled with stars from the sports and performing milieus as well as others that are popular and thrive on being in the public eye. Choiniere has placed Kennedy solidly in the Artisan category. Kennedy bent the rules by naming his brother Attorney General, engaging in extra-marital dalliances, and promulgating the image of youthful vigor despite the fact that his health was largely maintained by narcotics and steroid injections.In addition to being the first presidential candidate to own his own personal plane to campaign in, John Kennedy was the first candidate to use the medium of television to his benefit. "As the story goes, John Kennedy won that (first) debate (with Nixon) because he was tan and relaxed, and Nixon was pale and nervous. Many of those who watched the event on television -  and some eighty million Americans did so - believed Kennedy won. Those who listened on radio, who only heard the words and argument, believed Nixon was the winner. And so, style triumphed over substance, and American politics has never been the same." (Dallek, 2006, p.43)

WILLIAM J. CLINTON, THE FIRST BABY BOOMER PRESIDENT

Bill Clinton left office with the highest End-of-Presidency Job Rating of any President since this measure has been recorded. His 65% favorable rating is somewhat at odds with the Average label assigned him by the Schlesinger panel. I feel that can be explained by the charismatic nature of Clinton's approach to leadership. He appealed to many of his constituents despite being impeached by the US House of Representatives. Perhaps Clinton did not perform the duties of the office as effectively as his peers to impress historians and critics. Much like Kennedy, Bill Clinton's charismatic personality places him squarely in the Artisan category. For Clinton the rules bending behaviors include his publicized actions with Monica Lewinsky, attempts to deny those actions, and other extra-marital affairs both alleged and confirmed. Saddled with these indiscretions would harm many Presidents, however, Clinton's charisma, and communication style allowed him to salvage his presidency and earn very high approval ratings. On his blog Associate Professor from Kansai Qaidai University, Garr Reynolds explains, "There are many reasons why Mr. Clinton is so effective at the podium. Some of the aptitudes that make him so effective are his engaging, "naked" human style, his verbal presentation of clear logic and evidence, as well as his solid storytelling skills such as providing clear examples and painting pictures with his words. Whether it is a speech or an interview, he comes across as articulate and extremely intelligent but without being aloof or pedantic." (Reynolds, 2006, http://www.presentationzen.com/presentationzen/2006/10/bill_clinton an.html)Obviously Bill Clinton had a strong grasp of the issues and actions of great concern to the nation. A graduate of Georgetown, Yale Law, and a Rhodes Scholar, Clinton's formal credentials are impressive. However, one should also be impressed by the fact that he was seamlessly able to recite a healthcare reform address to Congress where the teleprompter failed, and Clinton ad-libbed for 10 minutes without missing a beat, until the text was found and then fed into the teleprompter. Impressive also was his ability to deliver an impromptu speech to black church leaders in Memphis that those who heard it say rivaled Martin Luther King for eloquence. His ability to connect with his audience, to put voice to what many are thinking, to move them to action are the strengths I witnessed firsthand last year as he addressed the Princeton class of 2006 as part of their graduation festivities. (Appendix V)

RONALD REAGAN, THE GREAT COMMUNICATOR

Ronald Reagan left office with a 64% End-of-Presidency approval rating; one percentage point below Clinton, and like Clinton, his presidency is seen as Average by the Schlesinger panel.

One advantage President Reagan had, that no other Chief Executive can boast, was his background with the electronic media. Having carved out a good living in radio, television and movies helped Reagan become adept at the skills needed to communicate to large audiences. "...there is little doubt that Mr. Reagan's easygoing style was mixed to perfection in the crucible of lifelong interactions with all of the mass media." (Hart, 1987, p.141) This heightened comfort level with the media earned him the moniker, The Great Communicator.

A distinguishing trait of Reagan's was his unique style of communicating. Speech can be used for many purposes; to inform, to question, to convince, etc. Candidate Reagan saw a new reason to communicate. "...he used communication to flatter rather than to challenge, to placate rather than to activate. When the American people chose Ronald Reagan over Walter Mondale they embraced a certain style of presidential communication as well as a certain brand of politics. The communication they choose soothed them by trotting out old answers to new questions." (Hart, 1987, p.207)

In addition to his uplifting messages and easy-going methods, Reagan knew the importance of communication as a sign of leadership. On March 30, 1981, when asked about the assassination attempt on him by gunfire, Reagan joked to his surgeons, "I forgot to duck." The next day a pre-taped message appeared on the Academy Awards Ceremony, and later that month Reagan appeared at the White House Correspondents dinner via a telephone call from his sick bed. That conversation ended with the affable President offering these words of advice, "...when somebody tells you to get in a car quick, do it." (Hart, 1987, p.49) Managing to keep his wits about him and maintaining his easy-going nature in the face of this crisis communicated a sense of calm to the nation. In like manner, Reagan was able to placate and console the nation on January

28th, 1986 when he addressed the nation, not to deliver a State of the Union Address, as planned, but to comment on the Challenger shuttle disaster. (Appendix VI)

President Reagan had an Artisan temperament. Keirsey comments on Artisans that they can be renowned communicators, "because of their sensitivity to harmonic coherence, or what sounds good." (Keirsey, 1998, p.36) To be sure, the clear, reassuring messages delivered smoothly by Ronald Reagan are in accord with this assessment.

                                           RICHARD M. NIXON, TRICKY DICK

Richard Nixon received the lowest End-of-Presidency approval rating of any president since this statistic has been tracked (begun with the Eisenhower presidency

1953 to 1961). Nixon's 24% rating dovetails with the Schlesinger panels assessment that his administration was a Failure.

Inconsistency may well be the hallmark of the communications during the Nixon administration. Nixon was able to accomplish many global victories like ending our involvement in Vietnam and opening diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. Surely. these feats required effective communications. However, these far reaching accomplishments were offset by the secrecy, obfuscation, and last ditch legal maneuvering that began with Watergate. The Nixon White House changed dramatically in its second term. "Of all the Cold War Presidents, none was more secretive than Nixon, who admitted, after leaving office, that as his presidency progressed, he became 'paranoiac or almost a basket case with regard to secrecy." (Dean, 2004, p. l4)

Many Americans still feel shortchanged by the Nixon administration due to the fact that a direct apology for the president's actions has never been offered. Nixon was perplexed by this. "He argues, quite rightly, that his voluntary resignation from the highest office in the land was surely the most dramatic, albeit implicit, apology an individual could offer. It is the 'albeit implicit' that sticks in the craws of many Americans. They still feel that their president took advantage of their trust and that a tight-lipped resignation (Appendix VII) is not the speech act designated to deal with ruptured social bonds. In so reasoning, the American people show how much stock they put into their relationships with presidents and how central rhetoric is to those relationships." (Hart, 1987, p.68) Ultimately, Nixon's secrecy and lies left the administration in a shambles and the American public wary.

Nixon's Guardian temperament is quite fitting with the early years of his administration when he positioned himself as a law and order politician. "Guardians work hard to make and enforce the laws that govern action, insisting that only by establishing and obeying rules and regulations can we hope to maintain civil order, and thus safeguard our homes, communities, and businesses." (Keirsey, 1998, p.80) It is pure irony that a Guardian such as Nixon was forced to. resign the presidency and relinquish his law licenses, both outward signs of the authority and command that the 45% of the population who are Guardians strive for.

GEORGE W. BUSH, COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATIVE

     The current occupant of the White House presently carries a job approval rating,

reported as a result of an April 20-23, 2007 Harris interactive poll, of 28%. The

obvious caveat is that 20 months remain until his End-of-Presidency rating will be

tabulated and poll numbers will fluctuate. However, the impending due date of this

project dictates that to include President Bush, our leader for the last six years, that

l use the most current figure. Additionally, an assessment by the Schlesinger panel is

not available. But an article by a member of the panel, and a lecture I witnessed by its

author, Sean Wilentz, the Dayton-Stockton Professor of History at Princeton

University, will be used as a substitute.

The experience of Watergate has left Americans with ·a desire for candor and honesty from their elected officials. The world has changed dramatically since the 1970's when Nixon resigned, but America still places a lot of faith in their president and desire open communication to the extent that security issues dictated by the September 11th, 2001 attacks will allow. Unfortunately it appears presidential communication in the Bush II era is returning to Nixonion style and methods. "'This administration is the most close-mouthed, more closed-door than any in memory,' Michael Duffy, a seasoned . Washington bureau chief for Time magazine, told his former colleague John Stacks when Stacks was examining Bush's relationship with the news media. Stacks found such control of the news media disturbing: there is a 'pernicious and damaging kind of secrecy being practiced by the administration of George W. Bush. Officials in Washington have largely stopped talking to the press except in set-piece briefings. Interviews are refused. Phone inquiries are left unanswered. The public is thus being denied access to the workings of the government it elected."' (Dean, 2004, p.69)

Lest these reports of ineffective executive communication by George W. Bush be deemed partisan bickering, those with conservative leanings also are worried by this development. "The voters aren't going to buy the sanctimonious argument that the Bush Administration has some sort of duty to protect the power of the presidency...The American people do not and should not tolerate government by secrecy." (Dean, 2004, p.93) Evidently Americans are not willing to repeat the abuses of the Nixon era as reflected by the similarity of their poll numbers.

Historians also are weighing in. In an article published in Rolling Stone magazine, "George W. Bush's presidency appears headed for colossal historical disgrace. Barring a cataclysmic event on the order of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, after which the public might rally around the White House once again, there seems to be little the administration can do to avoid being ranked on the lowest tier of U.S. presidents.

And that may be the best-case scenario. Many historians are now wondering whether Bush, in fact, will be remembered as the very worst president in all of American History." (Willentz, 2006, http://www.rollingstone.com/news/profile /story/996I300

/the_worst_president_in_history)

                     Two characteristic of the Artisan temperament fit George W. Bush very well.

                     First, they are· known to simplify their sentences and pick up slang terms or catch phrases.

                    This trait can partially explain Bush's over-reliance on sound-bites and talking points

                      such as, "Stay the course," "When they stand up, we'll stand down," and "We're                            making progress." (Appendix VIII) Additionally, Artisans are not prone to high-                                flown speculation, deep meaning, or introspection. Perhaps the United States., and                                              the  world as a whole, would be better served by a chief executive who not only                                    considered what action to take, but also gave more than cursory thought to the                                                   outcomes and global effects of those actions.

ANALYSIS

Using Kiersey's models of temperament, as assigned by Choiniere can provide some insight regarding presidential communications. In the broad view, of the 43 men to have held office 20 have been Guardians, 14 Artisans, and 8 Rational. There have been no Idealist presidents. If we are to believe the words of his brother, Ted Kennedy, while delivering his eulogy on June 8th, 1968, "Some men see things as they are and say why. I

dream things that never were and say why not." (Dallek, 2006, p.253) then Bobby Kennedy, had he lived, may have been our first Idealist president. Senator Kennedy's tribute to RFK so closely resembles Kiersey's words. "The Idealist is future-oriented and focused on what might be, rather than what is." (Kiersey, 1998, p.135) In the final analysis though, I think Choiniere might be inclined to categorize Robert Kennedy as an Artisan due to his tactical work on his brother Jack's campaigns and while holding office as United States Attorney General. A search of the literature, the web-site and the video by Kiersey and Choiniere revealed no listing for Bobby Kennedy so, in my sentimental view he will remain an Idealist until proven otherwise.

Is their dominant showing (20 presidents) to say that Guardians make the best presidents? Of the three rated as Great by the Schlesinger poll only one, George Washington, was a Guardian (33%). Conversely, of the seven rated as Failures three of them, Richard Nixon, Andrew Johnson, and James Buchanan are Guardians (43%). Do Artisans fare any better? Fourteen of them have been elected to office. In the Great category again only one representative, Franklin Delano Roosevelt appears among the
three (33%). Artisans fare better in the Failure grouping with only two, Franklin Pierce and Warren Harding appearing (29%) although the anticipated arrival of George W. Bush in this category would raise the Artisan's percentage to 38%. Likewise, of the eight Rationals who have been elected only one representative appears in the Great group, Abraham Lincoln (33%) and two under the Failure heading, Ulysses Grant and Herbert Hoover (29%). However, the percentage of Rational Failures should stay static for at

           least the next six years until George Bush's successor, if they are a single term president,                finishes their term.

Perhaps it is safe to say that due to their sheer numbers, Guardians make the best presidential material, but the variables of the times, political climate, and the individual personalities of the president determine success or failure. We can further extrapolate that Artisans and Rationals stand similar likelihoods of each other of achieving presidential success.

It appears that the voting populace would be well served to use a different criteria. when deciding how to cast their vote on the first Tuesday in November every fourth year. Of the Presidents highlighted in this study those noted for effective, remarkable communication, all left office with high Job Approval Ratings. The results are empirical for Clinton, Reagan and Kennedy (Appendix II) with an assumption, as noted, made in Lincoln's case. History and the respected historians of the Schlesinger panel have rewarded these men for their communication skills by rating Lincoln as great, Kennedy as High Average, and both Clinton and Reagan as Average.

A prudent electorate may want to more closely examine the candidate rhetoric and style while determining with whom they will cast their lot. Perhaps had this rubric been employed we may have been able to avoid the Failures that occurred in the name of the Nixon and Bush II administrations caused by the secrecy, half-truths and paranoia of these leaders.

SUMMATION

"All speech is not created equal. The speech of presidents is more powerful than most. This power derives in part from the office of the Presidency, but it also derives from the attitudes presidents have toward the speech act itself...Modern presidents play politics, a game about the distribution of power. Speech is how they play." (Hart, 1987, p. 11 0) Truly speech, communication, and organizational communication are important concerns for presidents and leaders of all varieties. The sheer scope and size of the United States federal government makes it, arguably the toughest organization in the world to lead. Such a Herculean task requires organizational and communication skills not commonly found in the general populace. "Eloquence - not glibness or deftness or even greater clarity - is needed from our presidents. Eloquence is more than communication. It is communication that reaches deep into the emotional sinews of voters and motivates them to be grander than they are by nature. Eloquence is the blending of the practical with the imaginative so that old thoughts are given fresh life and so that new truths can be passionately embraced." (Hart, 1987, p.210) The art of speech, mastery of it, or failure at it, is a determining factor of success or failure of presidential administrations and many other endeavors.

APPENDIX I

Schlesinger 1996 Poll

GREAT

Lincoln Rational

Washington Guardian Roosevelt, F. Artisan

NEAR GREAT
Jefferson Rational
Jackson Artisan
Roosevelt, T. Artisan
Wilson Guardian
Truman Guardian
Polk Guardian

HIGH AVERAGE Eisenhower Rational
Adams, J. Rational
Kennedy Artisan
Cleveland Guardian
Johnson, L. Artisan
Monroe Guardian
McKinley Guardian

AVERAGE

Madison Rational
Adams, J.Q. Rational
Harrison Guardian
Clinton Artisan
Van Buren Artisan
Taft Guardian
Hayes Guardian
Bush, H.W. Guardian
Reagan Artisan
Arthur Artisan
Carter Guardian
Ford Guardian

BELOW AVERAGE
Taylor Artisan
Coolidge Guardian
Fillmore Guardian
Tyler Guardian

FAILURE

Pierce Artisan
Grant Rational
Hoover Rational
Nixon Guardian
Johnson, A. Guardian
Buchanan Guardian
Harding Artisan

_{Participants in 1996 Poll}

Samuel H. Beer, Harvard University John Morton Blum, Yale University

Alan Brinkley, Columbia University
Douglas Brinkley, University ofNew Orleans
Walter Dean Burnham, University of Texas
James Macgregor Burns, Williams College
Mario Cuomo
Robert Dallek, Boston University
Robert H. Ferrell, Indiana University
Louis Fisher, Library of Congress
Eric Foner, Columbia University
George Frederickson, Stanford University
Doris Keams Goodwin
Norman Graebner, University of Virginia
Henry Graff, Columbia University
Stephen Hess, Brookings Institution
Morton Keller, Brandeis University
Louis Koenig, New York University
William Leuchtenburg, University of North Carolina
David Levering Lewis, Rutgers University
Arthur Link, Princeton University
Forrest McDonald, University of Alabama
Merrill Peterson, University of Virginia
Richard M. Pious, Barnard College

Robert V. Remini, University of Illinois at Chicago
Donald A. Ritchie, Senate Historical Office
Robert Rutland, University of Virginia
Joel Silbey, Cornell University
Paul Simon, U.S. Senate
Stephen Skowronek, Yale University
Hans Trefousse, City University of New York
Sean Wilentz, Princeton University

APPENDIX II

End of Presidency Job Approval Ratings

President Bill Clinton Ronald Reagan John Kennedy Dwight Eisenhower George H.W. Bush Gerald Ford Lyndon Johnson Jimmy Carter Richard Nixon	Rating(%) 65
	64
	63
	59
	56
	53
	49
	34
	24

APPENDIX III

Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, given November 19, 1863 on the battlefield near

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, USA

Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation: conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war.

We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.

It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

APPENDIX IV

John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address

Friday, January 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice

President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom-- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning-- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe --the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans-- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge -- and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do - for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever

period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course - both sides overburdened by the cost of modem weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew - remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed; in all comers of the earth, the command of Isaiah - to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -­ where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need-­ not as a call to battle, though embattled we are - but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

APPENDIXV

Clinton urges seniors to use 'personal power' for global good

by Eric Quinones· Posted June 5, 2006; 03:15p.m.

Former President Bill Clinton, addressing Princeton's graduating seniors at Class Day on Monday, June 5, challenged them to apply the "unprecedented personal power" they have gained through education to serve an increasingly interdependent world.

Clinton described global opportunities and vulnerabilities in the 21st century -- from economic, technological and cultural advances to the dangers of terrorism, poverty, disease and climate change-- in urging members of the class of2006 to make a positive difference.

"You have an education that has given you unprecedented personal power, and you live

in a time which has given you unprecedented personal power," Clinton said. "That means you've got a lot of responsibility. It also means if you do it right you'll live in the most exciting, interesting time in all of human history. It's yours to make, and I hope you will."

Class Day is held on Cannon Green the day before Commencement as a celebration of Princeton seniors' achievements. In addition to Clinton's address, the event included student speeches and the presentation of awards for leadership, athletics and community service.

"Class Day is a time for you to recall your four years together, the friendships you have formed and the impressive things you have accomplished," Princeton President Shirley M. Tilghman said. " . .. You have become a class forever branded with the new last name: '06."

Leaders of the senior class selected Clinton to deliver the keynote address from among numerous nominees suggested by classmates. "Since being out of office, President Clinton continues to change the world through the Clinton Global Initiative and the Clinton Foundation, which seek solutions to some of the world's most pressing issues," said senior Lauren Bush, a Class Day co-chair. "Because of President Clinton's charismatic personality, political legacy and humanitarian spirit, we are so honored to have him here today."

Clinton recalled delivering Princeton's Commencement address in 1996, when the University celebrated its 250th anniversary and expanded its informal motto, "Princeton in the nation's service," to include "and in the service of all nations."

That change was "made in recognition of the interdependent world in which all future graduates would live," Clinton said. "Today I want you think about that all over again."

Clinton told the seniors that three trends over the past decade -- the expansion of democracies around the world, the development of the Internet as a communication tool and the increase in nongovernmental organizations -- "have conspired to give you and your classmates and your contemporaries more power as private citizens to do public good than any group of people in all of history."

While laying out his own vision for the future, Clinton encouraged the students to think about the nature of the world in the 21st century, how it could be improved and the role they could play in "making a world with more partners and fewer adversaries."
"I can't tell you what you should do," he said. "I can only tell you that if you have power you have a responsibility to use it, and you cannot walk away from it. And since you live in an interdependent world, you cannot get away from its adverse consequences -- you can only try to minimize them, ultimately erase them and maximize the potential before you.

"I don't want to see the future of your children and grandchildren compromised because we failed to have the right security systems; because we failed to do something about climate change and the drying up of energy supplies; because we failed to reach across the religious and cultural divides of this world; because we failed to do something about the fact that half the world's people are living on less than $2 a day when most of the rest of us can make money beyond our wildest dreams," he said.

"The governments of the world will have to do some of this," Clinton said, "but people can do a lot of it - private citizens, not only of the United States but of any country in the world, doing public good."

As the world grows more economically and technologically interconnected but

disparities in health and wealth are widening, Clinton said, "I would like us to move from unstable, unequal interdependence to more integrated communities- locally, nationally and globally."

"Every person deserves a chance. Every person has a responsible role to play. Competition is good, but cooperation often works better. Our differences are important -­ they make life more interesting, they aid the search for truth - but our common humanity matters more."

Clinton cited his work with the first President Bush in raising relief aid after the Indian Ocean tsunami and Hurricanes Katrina and Rita as an example of how the need to work for improved living conditions among all global citizens should supercede political, religious or other barriers.

"We still have the differences we had before we started, but we also know where the common ground is," Clinton said of his partnership with Bush. "And as you build bonds of personal affection and mutual respect across lines that divide you, then it becomes harder for people to become so estranged that they can't even hear each other anymore."

Following Clinton's speech, students offered remarks about their Princeton experiences. Senior Ben Fast delivered a comic address, musing on the similarities between Batman and the former president ("One lives in a bat cave, the other used to have a cavelike structure he could hide in, in case of nuclear annihilation"). Fast remarked that Commencement will mark the culmination of his own lifelong dream to become a superhero: Revealing a large "P" on his T-shirt under his class jacket, he declared himself "Princeton Man."

"Why do you think you wear the gown?" Fast asked his classmates. "It's the closest thing we have in the real world to a cape."

In addition to delivering the keynote address, Clinton was named an honorary member of the class of 2006, along with humorist David Sedaris, who spoke at Baccalaureate.

APPENDIX VI

President Reagan’s address to the nation on the Challenger disaster

Oval Office
January 28,1986

A few hours after the disaster, this speech was delivered to the American people via nationwide radio and television.

“Ladies and gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.

Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. :But we've never lost an astronaut in flight; we've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle; but they,

the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.

For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, "Give me a challenge and I'll meet it with joy." They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.

We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for 25 years the United States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space, and perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.

And I want to say something to the school children of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's takeoff. I know it is hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen. It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery.

It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.

I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program, and what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program. We don't keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute. We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.

I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA or who worked on this mission and tell them: "Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it."

There's a coincidence today. On this day 390 years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, "He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it." Well, today we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.

The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved good-bye and "slipped the surly bonds of earth" to "touch the face of God."

_{APPENDIX VII}

_{PRESIDENT NIXON'S RESIGNATION SPEECH}

                                            August 8, 1974_.......

Good evening.

This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office, where so many decisions have been made that shaped the history of this Nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matter that I believe affected the national interest.

In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.

In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.

But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served, and there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.

I would have preferred to carry through to the finish what ver the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interest of the Nation must always come before any personal considerations.

From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and cariy out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the Nation would require.

I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I- must put the interest of America first. America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad.

To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.

Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.

As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a . great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes in the next 21/2 years; But in turning over direction of the Government to Vice President Ford, I know, as I told the Nation when I nominated him for that office 10 months ago, that the leadership of America will be in good hands.

In passing this office to the Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weight of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow and, therefore, of the understanding, the patience, the cooperation he will need from all Americans.

As he assumes that responsibility, he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this Nation, to put the bitterness and divisions of the recent past behind us, and to rediscover those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.

By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America. ·

I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my Judgments were wrong, and some were wrong, they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interest of the Nation.

To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, to many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I will be eternally grateful for your support.

And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us, in the final analysis, have been concerned with the good of the country, however our judgments might differ.

So, let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans.

I shall leave this office with regret at not completing my term, but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for the past 51/2 years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of our Nation and the world. They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the Administration, the Congress, and the people.

But the challenges ahead are equally great, and they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress and the people working in cooperation with the new Administration.

We have ended America's longest war, but in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult. We must complete

a structure of peace so that it will be said of this generation, our generation of Americans, by the peop\e of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented future wars.

We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United

States and the People's Republic of China.

We must now ensure that the one quarter of the world's people who live in the People's

Republic of China will be and remain not our enemies but our friends.

In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends. We must continue to build on that friendship so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave.

Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the process of limiting nuclear arms. But we must set as our goal not just limiting but reducing and finally destroying these terrible.weapons so that they cannot destroy civilization and so that the threat. of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world .and the people.

We have opened the new relation with the Soviet Union. We must continue to develop and expand that new relationship so that the two strongest nations ofthe world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation.

Around the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East, there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We must keep as our goal turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward in their children's time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life.

Here in America, we are fortunate that most of our people have not only the blessings of liberty but also the means to live full and good and, by the world's standards, even abundant lives. We must press on, however, toward a goal of not only more· and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American and of what we are striving so hard right now to achieve, prosperity without inflation.

For more than a quarter of a century in public life I have shared in the turbulent history of this era. I have fought for what I believed in. I have tried to the best of my ability to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me.

Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, "whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, ifhe fails, at least fails while daring greatly."

I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, a Vice President, and President, the cause of peace not just for America but among all nations, prosperity, justice, and opportunity for all of our people.

There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.

When I first took the oath of office as President 5112 years ago, I made this sacred commitment, to "consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations."

I have done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before ofliving in peace rather than dying in war.

This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.

To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal sense of kinship with each and every American. In leaving it, I do so with this prayer: May God's grace be with you in all the days ahead.

_{APPENDIX.VIII}

GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States: 

Here's why the bill Congress passed is unacceptable.

"First, a bill - the bill would mandate a rigid and artificial deadline for American troops to begin withdrawing from Iraq. That withdrawal could start as early as July 1st, and it would have to start no later than October 1st, regardless of the situation on the ground.

It makes no sense to tell the enemy when you plan to start withdrawing. All the terrorists would have to do is mark their calendars, and gather their strength, and begin plotting how to overthrow the government, and take control of the country of Iraq.

I believe setting a deadline for a withdrawal will demoralize the Iraqi people. It would encourage killers across the broader Middle East and send a signal that America will not keep its commitments. Setting a deadline for withdrawal is setting a date for failure, and that would be irresponsible.

Second, the bill would impose impossible conditions on our commanders in combat. After forcing most of our troops to withdraw, the bill would dictate the terms in which the remaining commanders and troops could engage the enemy.

That means Americans' commanders in the middle of a combat zone would have to take fighting directions from politicians 6,000 miles away in Washington, D.C. This is a prescription for chaos and confusion, and we must not impose it on our troops.

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